Wednesday, September 26, 2007

日本鬼子

記得看過一齣紀錄片,叫《日本鬼子》(Riben Guizi﹕Japanese Devils, 2001),導演松井稔(Matsui Minoru)訪問了十四名在二次大戰期間犯下滔天暴行的日本士兵,讓他們直接告訴我們,他們是如何從一個普通的日本國民,變成殺人、強奸、虐待、打家劫舍的「鬼子」。

看後,心情久久不能平復過來。

作為一個做學問的人,我有責任用比較理性的方式去理解我所聽到的回憶和證言。但是,正如很多人都說過﹕We can forgive,but we cannot forget(我們能夠原諒,但絕對不能忘記)。這句話值得我們深思。

我認為,對日軍侵華史實不能忘記的人,應該不只是中國人。起碼還有韓國人(他們的先輩是慰安婦制度的主要受害人)。當然,還有所有被日軍蹂躪的國家的人民。而且,正如張純如(Iris Chang)在她的The Rape of Nanking﹕The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II(1998,中譯《被遺忘的歷史─1937年南京浩劫》)中所強調,「世界」也絕對不能把這段歷史忘記。看了《日本鬼子》後,我醒覺到,世界上最不應該忘記這段歷史的,其實是日本的國民。

如果日本人不能忘記「廣島長崎原爆」,請也別要忘記「南京大屠殺」!

我們無論如何要「感謝」這些「日本鬼子」站出來,把事實的真相告知世人,告知他們的子孫。這段對日本人來說充滿黑暗的歷史,如果還能夠透露出一點點光明的話,那將會來自這些誠心懺悔謝罪的「日本鬼子」他們口中的真話。

黑暗中的光輝,其泉源是來自人類道德上的勇氣。

幾天前,香港有線電視新聞台總主播張宏艷小姐送給我她翻譯的新書,《回頭已是百年身﹕日本老兵金子安次侵華回憶》(熊谷伸一郎原著,2007)。我讀後當寫一篇書評。這裡再次向張小姐的付出表示無限的欽佩。

原來,金子安次正是《日本鬼子》紀錄片中,十四名日本兵之一。這次有機會深入地了解他的遭遇,希望能夠找到我所期待的人性光輝。

Sunday, September 23, 2007

福田康夫的穩健形象

23日下午,日本自民黨選出新一任的總裁,如外界所料,前內閣官房長官福田康夫(Fukuda Yasuo)順利當選,25日將成為日本下一任首相。

71歲的福田,一向以謙謙君子的形象見稱,其處事風格比以往兩任首相小泉純一郎(Koizumi Jun’ichirō)和安倍晉三(Abe Shinzō)都來得溫和,而且承諾在任內不會到靖國神社參拜,預料將有助中日兩國保持良好的關係。問題是,福田能做多久的首相?

這次,有線寬頻(i-Cable News)再次邀請我做嘉賓,對福田當選後的日本政治生態作一簡短的分析。期間談到了日本的國際定位,在野民主黨對自民黨的挑戰,國內結構改革的繼續推行,以及未來中日關係等問題。

其實,自民黨自安倍突然宣布辭職起,就開始走一條「穩定民心」的路線。這尤其表現在自民黨內部那種力求團結的努力上。除了麻生太郎(Aso Tarō)一人外,在安倍宣布辭職的幾天內,幾名有意參選的候選人都紛紛棄權,而且表態支持福田。而自民黨內部的九大派系,除了麻生一派,全都公開支持福田。雖然派系內個別成員不一定就將選票投給福田,但自民黨內部完全沒有露出半點大亂陣腳的姿態,在在表示了黨內很快就達成了某種共識。目的是希望日本國民覺得自民黨還是在當家。

但同時,我們不禁會問,選舉當日還在慶應大學醫院內「養病」的安倍,似乎在自民黨內並不是一個舉足輕重和不能或缺的人物。這說明了自民黨總裁一職的權力並不是絕對的。如果福田的優勢是來自其圓滑的「外交」手腕,能夠得到黨內各派系的認可,其缺點也就是沒有法子完全擺脫派系的影響。可以預期的是,福田政府很難會像小泉般來個大刀闊斧式的改革。而24日福田新內閣閣員名單出爐的時候,我們也就不會因為福田內閣充斥著自民黨內各派系的大老級人物而感到詫異。

自民黨這一招是以不變應萬變。選出福田,似乎暗示著黨內回到一種平穩一統,甚至是status quote的狀態。但是,究竟自民黨是否就如此「團結」呢?那就要看麻生這類個人色彩濃厚的自民黨國會議員會否發出任何異端的噪音。其實,自民黨現在能夠做到的,也就是保持一個「穩健形象」罷了。

在日本國民間,鄉鎮選區傳統上支持自民黨,但小泉任內的「結構改革」對這些支持者來說,在經濟上造成了很大的打擊。福田政府在不作大幅度改動小泉改革方針的前提下,究竟能否修復黨跟選民間的關係,是一個很大的挑戰。

在野民主黨於今年7月底在小澤一郎領導下奪得參議院的主導權,一直希望從自民黨手中奪取江山,利用反恐法這個議題嘗試大做文章。現在福田上任,其中最迫切的是延長海上自衛隊十一月一日的逗留限期,好讓其繼續能在印度洋替聯合國在阿富汗的維和部隊提供原油的補給。小澤如果繼續封殺,或者不會影響議案的最後通過,因為自民黨控制的眾議院還是會做最後的決定。但是,這可能影響福田政府的威信。

如果從國際情勢去看自民黨的生存空間,自民黨不是沒有籌碼的。小澤固然可以繼續打「反『反恐案』」的牌,但是他的底線是,國民所關心的北韓核武和人質問題(日本人被北韓政府虜走成為人質),究竟還是需要美國從中協助解決。如果得罪了美國,北韓問題加劇,小澤一人是否能夠承擔一切後果呢?民主黨想在下次大選中得到日本國民的支持,起碼要表現出一個能夠承擔問題的大將之風。相信小澤在反恐議題上能夠撈得多少好處,最終取決於他究竟能否提出解決北韓問題的新辦法。

我們看得出,跟中國保持友好,對自民黨和民主黨在國內提高民望上都有好處。如果北韓問題是一個最為日本國民所關心的議題,那麼,兩黨都必須避免跟美國或中國產生無必要的摩擦。安倍的忽然崛起,有一部份原因是當年他適當地處理了北韓人質問題。現在看來,今天的安倍雖然如喪家犬般,為自己的「不負責任」,向自民黨和所有日本國民道歉,其實他在外交上的確表現得不錯。

最後,即使我們作最壞的打算,認為福田政府也是一個短命政府,然而,中日關係的大方向就會一下子改變嗎?除非有突發事件發生,這基本上是不可能的。日本所面臨的,是一個比起國際關係更棘手的國內經濟和政治問題。福田這種溫和派政治人物的上台,起了鎮痛的作用,是一種必然的趨勢。但是,如果福田的上台只是自民黨一種修補形象的表面手段,那麼,我們將可以預期一個更混亂的戰國時代在日本政壇展開。

Friday, September 21, 2007

畢業照

做了那麼多年「職業學生」,終於可以回到「現實」了。

其實小時候也不是什麼讀書的材料,甚至應該屬於比較懶散的學生。後來發奮要把書念得比較像樣一點,最終走了一條很長很長的路。

走完了,取得博士,沒有什麼特別的感覺。只覺得多年來自己好像獨自在荒島上生活,現在反而因為要重新適應另外一個環境而感到有點不安。

回到香港差不多一個月了,覺得一切還順利。因為對自己沒有太高的要求,所以也沒有太大的壓力。

2007年在多倫多大學舉辦的中日關係研討會

2007年3月8日,在加拿大的多倫多大學(University of Toronto)舉辦了一場「中日關係研討會」(Sino-Japanese Conference),邀請了著名教授發表他們的研究成果。被邀請的講者包括中日關係名學者Joshua Fogel教授和Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi教授。

而我又跟中日留學生合作做了兩場圓桌討論(roundtable discussion),探討如何加深中國和日本年輕人對對方文化的認識,也集中檢討了媒體和教育制度對中日文化交流扮演了什麼角色。

整個學術會議的主要目的是促進中日兩國人民的相互理解。全場過程已經製作成DVD,以後會建立一個網站把精彩片段放上去。

組織這次會議的,不是著名教授,也不是大學的學院,而是一些關心中日問題的中日留學生。他們的主席,井澤賢人(Kent Masato Izawa)曾經選修了我教的一門叫「中日關係﹕歷史,文化,記憶」的大學課程。另外一位主席李濱(Derek Bin Li)是井澤君的好友。兩人花了很多心血,終於籌募了足夠的經費,舉辦了這個由「學生」和「民間」所發起的會議。參加會議的達二百多人,而且反應熱烈。這是連我也始料不及的。作為一個參與者,我感到很榮幸。

下面是《多倫多大學通訊》對是項活動的報道。

News@UofT -- Social Sciences Business and Law

Find this story on the web at: http://www.news.utoronto.ca/bin6/070328-3054.asp

Students build bridges between Chinese, Japanese communities

Conference marked a turning point, bringing forth mutual understanding between China and Japan

Mar 28/07
by Hayley Morrison

Building bridges between two great Asian nations, the University of Toronto’s 2007 Sino-Japanese conference marked “a turning point in the relationship between China and Japan,” said Derek Bin Li, co-president of the Sino-Japanese conference committee.

On March 9, the student-run committee presented a full day of speakers and roundtables to examine both the historical conflict and current relationship between China and Japan. The two nations have been at odds since the second Sino-Japanese war, a conflict over the Chinese mainland that lasted from 1937 to 1945.

“We wanted to give a long review of the conflict,” said Derek Bin Li, co-president of the committee and a fourth-year international relations student. Added Ashleigh Au, the committee’s marketing director, a fourth-year East Asian studies student, the committee “did not want to neglect the cultural exchange” that existed before the Sino-Japanese war.

While most of the attendees were graduate students, some faculty members and mature students also participated in the various seminars and lectures.

To promote mutual understanding and non-official dialogue between the two communities was no easy task for committee members. They approached Yu Chang of East Asian studies and Professor Joshua Fogel, Canada Research Chair in the History of Modern China at York University, to organize the conference sessions. Using their expertise, the committee constructed several roundtables debating issues of forbearance, justice and mutual understanding.

Offering personal accounts and engaging in intensive debate, students demonstrated how Sino-Japanese relations are not just about the war but “a contemporary issue that has followed from the time of this conflict up to the present,” Au said.

With a potpourri of individuals, the committee had to accommodate many different perspectives. About 80 per cent of the committee members were not Canadian born and were influenced by the Sino-Japanese war either directly through their grandparents or through the media.

Although it was difficult for students from Chinese and Japanese backgrounds to remain neutral and bias-free, given the emotion still associated with the topic, the committee worked “to make sure nobody was in the line of fire,” Au said.

Given the sensitivity surrounding war, the committee was very careful when choosing its sponsors and speakers. Since the war has remained a politically charged topic, the committee decided an academic institution, such as U of T would be an ideal setting to host the conference. Different from other social realms, said Weiqiao Zhang, a committee member and a third-year philosophy student, the university provided the conference with academic researchers searching for the truth, rather than politicians advancing their own interests.

In light of the conference the committee members have already noticed changes in relations between members in the two communities.

“We have come to a better understanding of why we have different perceptions about the past,” said Zhang. Additionally, the conference has helped “people see each other as other people, instead of categorizing or ‘villainizing’ them,” said Au. Moreover, with many different and personal perspectives brought to the table, Ashleigh believes the conference effectively “promoted a genuine understanding of Sino-Japanese relations.”

Overall, the student organizers were pleased with the results. Along with an excellent turnout and thought- provoking speakers, “it was a very positive experience that I believe we will all cherish as an undergrad project to remember,” Au said. In terms of any future collaborations between the two communities, she believes “there is definitely an intention to hold a similar event next year.”

Hayley Morrison is a political science student at St. Michael’s College.


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